|
3.
Spelling Rules
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Symbol |
Sound |
Symbol |
Sound |
| ā, ē, ī, ū | In Latin, Old
English,
etc, these are long vowels with the sounds (or approximately the sounds) represented by the respelling symbols a or ä, ā or e, ē, and oo respectively; in the pinyin transcription of Chinese, these are vowels with a first (level) tone. |
ḍ, ṇ,
ṣ, ṭ |
These are retroflex
counterparts of d, n, etc. |
| ō | This represents a
long o or ö sound or a monophthongal pronunciation of the respelling character ō; in the pinyin transcription of Chinese, this is a vowel with a first (level) tone. |
ṛ |
In Sanskrit, a vowel
rather than a consonant; in Hindi, etc, a consonant formed by the
tongue moving from a retroflex position to strike against the alveolar
ridge. |
| ȳ |
A long ü sound. |
ḥ |
The normal h-sound of English. |
| ǣ |
A long vowel similar
in
sound to the RP pronunciation of respelling symbol a. |
ṁ |
This marks
nasalization
of the preceding vowel or the following consonant in Sanskrit. |
| a, e, etc ă, ĕ, etc |
Short vowels
corresponding to ā, ē etc, with values, varying from
language to language, similar to those of the corresponding long vowels
or those of the short vowels of English. |
ñ | A sound similar to ny, as in Spanish
cañón. |
| ǎ, ě, etc | In the pinyin
transcription of Chinese, these are vowels with a third (falling, then
rising) tone; in Romanian, ă has the sound ə. |
ṅ |
The sound written ng in the respelling and in English
orthography. |
| â,
ê, î, ô, û |
In some languages,
eg
Middle High German, these symbols are used for long vowels with the
values ä, ā, ē, ō, oo respectively; in Romanian,
â and î represent a sound midway between ē and oo. |
c |
In Sanskrit, etc, a
sound
midway between k and ch; inTurkish, the sound of j as in judge. |
| á,
é, etc |
In the pinyin
transcription of Chinese, these are vowels with a second (rising) tone. |
ç |
In French, Arabic
and
Portuguese, this represents the sound s;
inTurkish, ch. |
| à,
è, etc |
In the pinyin
transcription of Chinese, these are vowels with a fourth (falling) tone. |
č, ć | In Serbo-Croat, č
represents the sound ch, and ć represents ty. |
| ä,
ö |
These have the
values of
respelling symbols e/ā and ø/œ respectively. |
ş |
In Turkish, the
sound sh. |
| ĩ, etc |
The diacritic [˜] is
used, as in the respelling, to show nasalization of vowels. |
ś |
In Sanskrit, etc, a
sound
similar to sh. |
| q |
In Arabic, a sound
similar to k but pronounced
slightly farther back in the mouth; in Chinese, a sound like ch; in Gothic, kw. |
||
| ğ |
This marks a
lengthening
of the preceding vowel inTurkish. |
||
| gg |
In Gothic, the sound
ng. |
||
| ’ |
In Russian words,
this
represents a 'soft sign', marking a y-like
palatalization of the preceding consonant; in Chinese words, it is a
mark of strong aspiration; in Arabic, Hebrew and Hawaiian, a glottal
stop. |
||
| ‘ | In Arabic and
Hebrew, a
sound like hh but produced
rather deeper in the throat. |
||
| Symbol |
Examples |
Pronunciation |
| ā |
name,
aid, rein,
tare, wear, hair, heir, fairy |
nām,
ād, rān,
tār, wār, hār, ār, fārˈi |
| ä |
grass, path, palm, harm, heart | gräs,
päth, päm, härm, härt |
| a | sat,
bad, have,
marry |
sat,
bad, hav,
marˈi |
| ē | lean,
keel, dene,
chief, seize, gear, sheer, here, bier, query |
lēn,
kēl, dēn,
chēf, sēz, gēr, shēr, hēr, bēr, kwēˈri |
| e |
red,
thread,
said, bury |
red,
thred, sed,
berˈi |
| ī | side,
shy, dye,
height, hire, byre, fiery |
sīd,
shī, dī,
hīt, hīr, bīr, fīrˈi |
| i |
pin,
busy,
hymn |
pin,
bizˈi, him |
| ō |
bone,
road, foe,
low, dough, more, soar, floor, port, Tory (For alternative pronunciation of port, more, etc, see ö) |
bōn,
rōd, fō, lō,
dō, mōr, sōr, flōr, pōrt, tōrˈi |
| ö |
haul,
lawn, fall,
bought, swarm, more, soar, floor, port, Tory (For alternative pronunciation of port, more, etc, see ō) |
höl,
lön, föl, böt, swörm, mör, sör,
flör, pört, törˈi |
| o |
got,
shot, shone |
got,
shot, shon |
| oo |
fool,
sou, boor,
tour |
fool,
soo, boor,
toor |
| ŭ |
good,
full, would |
gŭd,
fŭl, wŭd |
| ū |
tune,
due, newt,
view, endure, fury |
tūn,
dū, nūt, vū,
in-dūrˈ, fūˈri |
| u |
bud,
run, love |
bud,
run, luv |
| û |
heard,
bird,
word, absurd |
hûrd,
bûrd, wûrd, ab-sûrdˈ |
| ow |
mount,
frown, sour |
mownt,
frown, sowr |
| oi |
toy,
buoy, soil |
toi,
boi, soil |
In words of more than one syllable, the syllable with the main accent is shown by a stress mark ˈ following that syllable, both in the respellings (eg äfˈter, bi-ginˈ) and in entries in bold type (eg afˈters, beginnˈer).
Note the difference in pronunciation, as shown by the position of the stress mark, between blessedˈ (blest) and blessˈed (blesˈid), refinedˈ (re-fīndˈ) and refinˈedly (ri-fīnˈid-li).
Neutral vowels in unaccented syllables are usually shown by ə (schwa) eg elˈə-mənt, inˈfənt, ranˈdəm, preˈshəs (precious), nāˈchər (nature).
In certain cases, they are more exactly represented by i eg ēˈvil,
bi-hōldˈ, blesˈid, manˈij, di-mentˈ.
In
certain
accents, for example in Scots, Irish, General American, r is pronounced wherever it occurs
in the spelling and this is the form adopted in the dictionary.
In certain other accents, for example Received Pronunciation or what is
sometimes called the BBC accent, it is pronounced only when it occurs
before a vowel. Elsewhere the following rules apply:
| ār |
is
pronounced as |
eə |
ör |
s pronounced as | ö or
öə |
| är |
is pronounced as | ä |
oor |
is pronounced as | ŭə |
| ēr |
is pronounced as | iə |
ūr |
is pronounced as | ūə |
| er |
is pronounced as | eə |
ûr |
is pronounced as | û |
| īr |
is pronounced as | īə |
owr |
is pronounced as | owə |
| Symbol |
Examples |
Pronunciation |
| b |
hob,
rabbit |
hob, rabˈit |
| ch |
church,
much, match |
chûrch,
much,
mach |
| d |
ado, dew |
ə-dooˈ, dū |
| dh |
then,
father |
dhen,
fäˈdhər |
| f |
faint,
phase, rough |
fānt, fāz,
ruf |
| g |
gold,
guard, ghastly |
gōld,
gärd,
gästˈli |
| gz |
exact |
igz-aktˈ |
| h |
happy, home |
hapˈi, hōm |
| hh |
loch,
Taoiseach |
lohh,
tēˈshohh |
| hl |
(Welsh) pennill |
penˈihl |
| (h)w |
whale,
which |
(h)wāl,
(h)wich |
| j |
jack,
gentle, ledge,
region |
jak,
jenˈtl, lej,
rēˈjən |
| k |
keep, cat,
chorus |
kēp, kat,
kōrˈəs
(körˈ) |
| ks |
lax, vex |
laks, veks |
| kw |
quite,
coiffeur |
kwīt,
kwä-fœr |
| l |
lamp,
collar |
lamp,
kolˈər |
| m |
meat,
palm, stammer |
mēt,
päm, stamˈər |
| n |
net,
gnome, knee,
dinner |
net, nōm,
nē, dinˈər |
| ng |
fling,
longing |
fling,
longˈing |
| ngg |
single,
longer, languor |
singˈgl,
longˈgər,
langˈgər |
| ngk |
monkey,
precinct |
mungkˈi,
prēˈsingkt |
| p |
peat, apple |
pēt, apˈl |
| r |
rest,
wreck, arrive |
rest, rek,
ə-rīvˈ |
| s |
sad, city,
circuit,
scene, mass, psalm |
sad,
sitˈi,
sûrˈkit, sēn, mas, säm |
| sh |
shine,
machine, sure,
militia, acacia |
shīn,
mə-shēnˈ, shoor,
mi-lishˈə, ə-kāˈsh(y)ə |
| t |
tape,
nettle, thyme |
tāp,
netˈl, tīm |
| th |
thin, three |
thin, thrē |
| v |
valid,
river |
valˈid,
rivˈər |
| w |
was, one,
twig |
woz, wun,
twig |
| y |
young,
bastion |
yung,
bastˈyən |
| z |
zoo, was,
roads |
zoo, woz,
rōdz |
| zh |
azure,
measure,
congé, lesion |
azhˈər (or
āˈzhūr),
mezhˈər, kɔ̃-zhā, lēˈzhən |
| Symbol |
Examples |
Pronunciation |
| ø |
(French) deux, feu, peu |
dø,
fø,
pø |
| œ |
(French) fleur, leur, cœur |
flœr, lœr,
kœr |
| ü |
(1) (French) sur, luminaire (2) (German) über, Führer (3) (Scottish) bluid, buik |
sür,
lü-mē-ner üˈbər, füˈrər blüd, bük |
| ɑ̃ |
(French) sang, temps, dent |
sɑ̃,
tɑ̃,
dɑ̃ |
| ɛ̃ |
(French) faim, vin, plein |
fɛ̃, vɛ̃, plɛ̃ |
| ɔ̃ |
(French) tomber,
long, sonde |
tɔ̃-ba,
lɔ̃, sɔ̃d |
| œ̃ |
(French) lundi, humble, un |
lœ̃-dē,
œ̃bl', œ̃ |
| ə̃ |
(Portuguese) sɑ̃o |
sə̃oo |
An apostrophe is used in words such as timbre (tɛ̃br'), maître (metr') and humble (œ̃bl') in the pronunciation of which a final ə (eg tɛ̃brə) is possible.
English is now used as a first language by about 700 million speakers, and is a second language for many millions more. It appears in many guises, ranging from the ''new'' Englishes of Africa and Asia, eg Indian English, through the usages of North America to the oldest established varieties (the English of England, Hiberno-English and Scots in Lowland Scotland). English is now a world language, the most widespread in linguistic function and geographical extent that the world has ever seen.
The modern varieties of English have emerged over the last five or six
centuries through contact with other languages and through dynamic
interaction with each other. All, however, derive from one ultimate
source: the Germanic language-variety which was brought to Britain from
northern Germany by Anglo-Saxon invaders in the fifth century AD. The
people who spoke this variety supplanted the Romano-British
inhabitants, who gradually retreated to the northern and western parts
of the island where, in North Wales and the Gaelic-speaking areas of
Scotland, they remain. The invaders' language subsequently became a
distinct language, English, which developed and spread within the
British Isles up to the sixteenth century. English was subsequently
taken beyond these islands with the imperial expansions of the
seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
During these centuries the structure of the English language changed
radically. Our evidence for these changes comes, of course, not from
the direct analysis of speech – for sound-recordings of English only
began to be made at the end of the nineteenth century – but from
comparative study of other languages and through the painstaking
analysis by scholars of the written records which have come down to us
continuously from the seventh century onwards.
All Germanic languages derive from a common ancestor known as Proto-Germanic. English is a member of the Western branch of the Germanic languages, which also includes German, Dutch, Afrikaans, and (its closest Germanic relative) Frisian, this last being a language-variety spoken in what is now part of the Netherlands. Other branches of Germanic which are traditionally identified include North Germanic (Danish, Norwegian, Swedish, Faroese, Icelandic) and East Germanic (now extinct, and recorded for the most part in the fourth-century Gothic Bible-translation of Bishop Ulfilas). The Germanic languages are themselves part of a much larger language-family: the Indo-European group, which includes such diverse languages as Bengali and Brythonic, Russian and Romany, Sanskrit and Spanish. This group stems ultimately from Proto-Indo-European, which was probably originally spoken in what is now Southern Russia.
English shares a number of characteristics with its Germanic relations.
Probably the best-known of these is the Germanic modification of
inherited consonantal sounds known as Grimm's Law, so-called after the
philologist and folklorist J Grimm (1785–1863).Grimm showed that there
was a regular set of consonantal differences between the Germanic
languages and the others of the Indo-European family, which dated from
the period of divergence of Proto-Germanic from the other Indo-European
varieties. The effects of Grimm's Law in Old English can be seen
through comparing groups of cognates, ie words in different languages
with a common ancestor (cf Latin co-
+ gnātus 'born together ').
Thus, for instance, p in
other Indo-European languages corresponds to f/v
in Germanic languages, eg father (German Vater,
but
Latin pater, French père, Italian padre, Sanskrit pitar-), foot (Dutch voet, but Latin pes, ped-, French pied, Sanskrit padám 'footstep'), etc.
The discovery of such shared linguistic features has made it possible
to reconstruct the relationships of the languages which derive from
Proto-Indo-European. However, it is worth remembering that, just as
children derive some of their linguistic behaviour from their parents
but are also strongly influenced by their peer group, so
language-varieties borrow usages from those language-varieties with
which they come into contact and transmit these acquired
characteristics to future generations. Indeed, without such contacts
the processes of linguistic change would have been much slower in
operation: such a pattern is observable in languages which have little
contact with others (for instance Icelandic, which has been an isolated
language for much of the last thousand years, has barely changed during
this period). The history of English is not one of internal evolution,
hermetically sealed from outside influence. Rather, its history is one
of constant and dynamic interaction between inherited usage and the
languages with which it came into contact.
It is traditional to distinguish between ''external history'', ie the
changing functions of varieties of the vernacular in relation to other
languages and to broader developments in society, and ''internal
history'', ie the changing forms of the language. This distinction is
adopted here.
The earliest forms of English were very different from those in present-day use, and the modern configuration has taken many centuries to emerge. The history of English is traditionally divided into a sequence of epochs distinguished by certain language-external events and characterized by language-internal differences.
The following broad periods are generally recognized, although there is
a good deal of scholarly debate about the precise boundaries between
them.
Prehistoric Old English ('pre-Old English'): the period before written records, roughly 450– 650/700AD. During this period English diverged from the other members of the Germanic group to become a distinct language.
Old English, often referred to as Anglo-Saxon after the Germanic tribes who used it: the period from the appearance of written records in English to the Norman Conquest of 1066. During this period, English was used nationally for the documentary purposes of Anglo-Saxon government. It also had a literary function: the epic poem Beowulf was copied in a manuscript dating from circa 1000, and the end of the period saw the emergence of a formidable native prose tradition with the composition of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and the religious homilies of Aelfric untwisting. Most Old English which has come down to us is written in the West-Saxon dialect, since the national focus of power for much of the period lay in the south-western kingdom of Wessex. However, the Old English written record provides evidence for at least three other dialect-groupings: Old Mercian in the Midlands, Old Northumbrian in Northern England and in what later became Lowland Scotland to the south of the Clyde-Forth line, and Kentish in South-East England. Towards the end of the Anglo-Saxon period, large numbers of North Germanic (Scandinavian) peoples settled in northern England. Their language, in part because it seems to have been to a degree mutually intelligible with local varieties of Old English, had a profound effect on the subsequent history of English beyond the area of primary Scandinavian settlement. However, Scandinavian left little mark on the written record until after the Norman Conquest of 1066.
Middle English: the period from the Norman Conquest to the arrival of printing in Britain in 1476. The Conquest saw the large-scale replacement of the old Anglo-Saxon aristocracy with a French-speaking and European-centred elite. Although English remained in widespread use in speech, it lost in national status; documentary functions were taken over by Latin, which was undergoing a revival in Western Europe, while many literary functions were taken over by varieties of French. The French-speaking elite seems to have shifted quite quickly to the regular use of English in speech, but French remained in prestigious use until at least the end of the fourteenth century.Written English, for much of the Middle Ages,was of solely local significance, primarily used for initial education and for the production of texts with a local readership; it was thus strongly marked by dialectal variation in writing. This situation changed towards the end of the period. Geoffrey Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, written for an aristocratic and metropolitan audience around 1390–1400, marks one stage in the emergence of the vernacular as having a national significance, as does the translation of the Bible into English associated with the proto-Protestant Wycliffite movement at the end of the fourteenth century. Towards the end of the Middle English period, distinct varieties of the language emerged outside England: Older Scots in Lowland Scotland, and Hiberno-English in eastern Ireland.
Early Modern English: the period from 1476 to the early eighteenth century. Caxton's introduction of printing to England at the end of the fifteenth century coincided with the elaboration of English as a vernacular capable of being used for all linguistic functions. The role of English was given impetus by the Protestant Reformation, which placed a religious duty of literacy on all, and provided national texts for the purpose: the vernacular Bible and Prayer-Book. This national role coincided with the standardization of written English and with the emergence during the sixteenth century of a prestigious form of pronunciation. Evolving class-structures in society, notably the rise of a powerful London bourgeoisie, provided audiences for sophisticated vernacular texts, such as the dramas of Elizabethan and Jacobean England, and the prestige of the vernacular was reinforced by the victories of the rising middle classes in the mid-seventeenth-century Civil Wars. The foundation of the modern British state following the Act of Union between England,Wales and Scotland (1707) may be taken as an external marker of the end of the Early Modern period. Older Scots continued to be used up to this date, although it underwent severe competition from the forces of Anglicization, particularly in religious discourse. During this period, new varieties of English/Scots appeared in overseas settlements such as the Plantations in Ulster from the end of the sixteenth century, and in the British Colonies in North America.
Later Modern English: the period from the early eighteenth century to the present-day. Tendencies already prefigured in earlier centuries, such as the development of mass literacy and of urban varieties, came to fruition during this period. It is the also the period when overt pride in English was most clearly signalled, notably with the arrival of large-scale codifications of the language such as Samuel Johnson's Dictionary of 1755. Above all, the defining linguistic characteristic of this period is the spread of English beyond its place of origin, to the various parts of the Empire and later, with the cultural hegemony of the United States, to the new electronic media. After 1707 Older Scots developed into Modern Scots, but became much more restricted in register, to nonprestigious speech and to specialized usages, eg in the verse of Robert Burns. Subsequent attempts to reinstate Scots as a national, ie Scottish, vernacular rather than as a collection of local varieties have met so far with mixed success. Other varieties within the English-language continuum have emerged as elaborated usages in their own right, eg Indian English, where a special variety with its own distinctive grammatical, lexical and accentual properties has emerged as a national prestigious usage.
The developments in the social function of English described above all left their mark on the internal evolution of the language, at every level: in pronunciation and spelling, in grammar and in vocabulary.
Towards the end of the Old English period, spelling became standardized on the
basis of West Saxon, for reasons already given; but during the Middle
English period it became usual for dialectal variation to be manifested
in spelling. There are therefore, for instance, no fewer than 500 ways
of spelling the simple word 'through' in Middle English, ranging from
fairly recognizable thurgh, thorough and þorowe to exotic-seeming drowȝ,
yhurght, trghug and trowffe. As long as English was
used simply on a local basis this practice was comparatively
unproblematic, since the phonic conventions of each locality could be
accepted comparatively easily within that locality as an appropriate
reflection of pronunciation. However, the inconvenience of not having a
national system became much more apparent when English started to take
on national functions once again. By the beginning of the fifteenth
century, the usage developed in London was starting to take on a
national role, and London spelling of this period is in its essentials
the basis of the present-day English pattern. During the sixteenth
century, a parallel standardized Scottish system competed for a while
with London spelling in Scotland, and a slightly modified form of the
system appeared in the United States at the end of the eighteenth
century (thus distinctions of the coloured-colored
type) and has been subsequently sustained there and elsewhere.
The reconstruction of pronunciation during
the Old and Middle English periods is based upon a mixture of evidence
of greater or lesser value: the interpretation of spellings, the
analysis of rhyming practice in verse, comparison with other languages
and with later states of the language. The major development in the
history of English is a phenomenon called the Great Vowel Shift, which
affected the 'long vowels' of later Middle English. This sound-change,
which probably arose in London as a result of complex processes of
social interaction, may be dated to the period between 1400 and 1600 by
the evidence of words coming into the language. Thus doubt and guile, French words which entered
the language before 1400, were subjected to the
diphthongization processes of the Shift, while soup and tureen, later adoptions, were not
so subjected.
The evidence for a standard form of pronunciation is uncertain until
the sixteenth century. In 1589, George Puttenham, in The Arte of English Poesie, advises
the accomplished poet to adopt the accentual usage of 'the better
brought vp sort':
'ye shall therfore take the vsuall speach of the Court, and that of London and the shires lying about London within lx. myles, and not much aboue.'
The history of standard pronunciation is a complex matter, and the
evolution of present-day prestigious accents is a matter of quite
complex interaction between varieties rather than a simple process of
descent. However, broadly speaking, Puttenham's description still holds
for England at least, although other prestigious accents are found
widely throughout the English-speaking world. Thus the accent-component
of Scottish Standard English is prestigious in Scotland, and the
variety known as General American is prestigious in the United States.
In grammar, the major change
between Old and Present-Day English is the shift from synthesis to
analysis in expressing grammatical relations.Whereas the relationships
within and between phrases in Present-Day English are largely expressed
by word-order, in Old English, these relationships are expressed to a
much greater extent by special endings attached to words. These endings
are called inflections.
The Old English inflectional system means that Old English word-order
can be much more flexible than that of its descendant. Thus, in
Present-Day English
1. The lord binds the servant.
and 2. The servant binds the lord.
mean very different things. The word-order indicates the relative functions of the phrases 'the lord'and 'the servant'. This was not necessarily the case in Old English. Sentence 1. above can be translated into Old English as
3. Se hlāford bint hone cnapan.
However, it could also be translated as
4. þone
cnapan bint se hlāford.
or
5. Se hlāford þone cnapan bint.
and so on. In sentences 3.–5. above, the phrase se hlāford, because it is in the so-called nominative case, with a nominative form of the definite article the (se) is always the subject of the clause in whatever position it appears. And, because it is in the so-called accusative case, with an accusative form of the definite article (þone) and an accusative inflection on the accompanying noun (-an), þone cnapan is always the direct object of the clause. The cases, not the word-order, here determine the relationship between the two phrases. There were conventions in Old English that placed the subject in initial position, but these conventions could easily be departed from for stylistic effect. This system did not survive intact into the Middle English period; it appears that interaction with Scandinavian encouraged the loss of inflections, and the conventions of word-order, whereby subject/object positioning had become stylistically formalized, became more fixed to take over the task originally performed by inflections. The Present-Day English pattern resulted. However, it is wrong to describe Present-Day English as wholly uninflected: a few inflections remain in Present-Day English, even if we do not call them such (cf Tom,Tom's, pig, pig's, pigs, etc).
Perhaps most obviously, there have been changes in the lexicon between Old and Present-Day
English, and these changes reflect the kinds of linguistic contacts
which the language has undergone. Although much of the core vocabulary
of English is derived from Old English – eg hand, head, wife, child, stone, name, man,
fish, ride, choose, bind, love,
etc – the lexicon in general has been greatly augmented by borrowings
from other languages.
Scandinavian has affected some of the most basic features of the
language, such as the pronoun system – they, their and them are all from Scandinavian –
and the system of grammatical inflection, eg the -s endings on some parts of the
verb-paradigm in loves etc.
Further, some items of core vocabulary are Scandinavian in origin, eg take, ill, egg, skin. More subtly,
cognate items in Scandinavian and English have developed distinct
meanings, eg skirt, shirt, and many Scandinavian words are found only
in some varieties, eg kirk.
French has had a massive effect on the range of lexical
items available
in the language. To exemplify from the noun alone: words such as action, bucket, calendar, courtesy,
damage, envy, face, grief, honour, joy, labour, marriage, noise, opinion, people, quality, rage, reason,
sound, spirit, task, use, vision, waste, all of which are common
in Present-Day usage, are all derived from French. Many French words
are found in high-register contexts, and this means that their meanings
in English diverge from those in French, eg commence, which has high-register
connotations in English which are not shared by the French original commencer.
Of course, numerous other languages have had an effect on English,
reflecting various cultural and imperial developments. Latin learning,
sometimes mediated through French, has given English words such as arbiter, pollen, junior, vertigo, folio,
etc.
Contact with the world beyond Western Europe has given
most of the
European languages such words as harem
(Arabic), steppe (Russian),
taboo (Tongan), chocolate (Nahuatl), but it seems
likely that imperial expansion in India gave English such items as thug, pyjama, gymkhana, mulligatawny.
The hospitality of English to foreign words has often been commented on; indeed, borrowing is the characteristic method whereby English expands its vocabulary, something which marks English off from its near-relatives such as German. Old English, like modern German, created new words through compounds, eg sciprāp 'cable' (lit. 'shiprope'); cf German Fernseher 'television' (lit. 'far-seer'). However, this is no longer a marked feature of Present-Day English. One reason for this change must be to do with the grammatical structure of the later forms of English: there is no need to fit borrowed items into a complex inflectional system. Another reason is probably to do with custom: the more English borrowed, the more borrowing became customary; the more borrowing became customary, the more English borrowed.
© Jeremy Smith 1998 Jeremy J. Smith is Professor of English Philology at the University of Glasgow. He is the author of many articles and
books on the history of English.
This dictionary is written with the British speaker of English in mind. However, English exists in many varieties in the world today. Some of the differences between the forms of English spoken and written in Britain and in the rest of the world are shown below.
The characteristic American spellings of a number of individual words (eg manoeuvre/maneuver, defence/defense, practise/practice) are noted in the dictionary. Some spelling differences involving groups of similar words are as follows:
| British |
US |
|
| -ogue |
-og | American
English
simplifies words such as catalogue and
pedagogue to
catalog and pedagog. |
| -our |
-or | American
English has -or in words such
as color and humor. Glamour and saviour, however, are generally written -our. |
| -re |
-er | Eg center, meter, theater. But to show
the hard sound of c or g: acre,
massacre, ogre, etc; however, meager not meagre. |
| ll |
l |
In
inflections and
derivatives of words ending in l
not immediately preceded by a single stressed vowel, American English does not double the l: canceled, counselor, disheveled, equaled, marvelous, traveler, etc. (Note also woolen.) |
| pp |
p |
Similarly, kidnaper, worshiping,
etc. |
| tt |
t |
And also carburetor (but eg formatting). |
| l |
ll |
Eg enroll, fulfill, instill, skillful
and willful. |
| ae,
oe or e |
e |
The
tendency to
replace ae and oe by e
in words derived from Latin and
Greek is more strongly developed in the US than in Britain, eg esophagus, hemoglobin. |
| -ize
or
-ise |
-ize |
In verbs
that may be
spelt -ize or -ise, the use of -ize is now standard in American English. Note also analyze, paralyze, etc. |
As a rule, hyphens are used less frequently in American English than in British English, although there is an increasing tendency to omit hyphens in Britain as well.
Generally speaking, American pronunciation differs from British English as follows:
| British |
US |
| ä |
In many
words, eg ask, dance, half
and rather, American English
has a
shorter, more front vowel than that of standard British English. |
| i |
Where
British English
has /i/ in final position in words such as happy and city, American English has /ē/. |
| ö |
An
alternative
pronunciation /ä/ is
common in words such as haunt,
launch, saunter, taunt and vaunt. |
| o |
In
American English,
words such as block, got, pond,
probable and top are
pronounced with an /ä/ sound. In words in which the vowel is followed by f, s, th, r, g or ng, eg coffee, dog, cross, forest and long, a longer vowel similar to /ö/ is also common. |
| ū |
After the
sounds t, d, n, l and s, American English has /oo/ rather
than /ū/
eg in new and tune. |
| ī |
In most
words ending
in -ile, such as agile, fertile,
fragile and hostile,
American English pronounces the final syllable as /-il/ rather than
/īl/. |
| t |
In words
such as latter, metal and writing, the -tt-/-t- is pronounced
with the same sound as that of the -dd-/-d- in ladder, medal and riding. |
| r |
In most
accents of
American English r is
pronounced at the end of a word and before a
consonant. |
There are a number of differences between the American pronunciation of vowels followed by r and the British pronunciation of the corresponding vowels:
| British |
US |
| a |
Some
Americans tend to
make a sound approaching /e/, so that, for example, marry approximates to merry. |
| ā |
This is
commonly
pronounced as a diphthong before r,
the first element of which is close
to a lengthened /e/. The second element of the diphthong, /ə/, is sometimes not pronounced when the vowel occurs in initial or medial position; eg the usual pronunciation of Maryland is /mer'i-lənd/. |
| är
spelt -er- |
In words
such as clerk and Derby, where British speech
preserves an older pronunciation /är/,
American speech has /ûr/. |
| -ə-ri |
American
English tends
to give greater prominence than British English does to the suffixes -ary and -ory, and often also -ery; for example, monetary (Brit /-tə-ri
or -tri/, US /-te-ri/), confectionery
(Brit /-nə-ri/,
US /-ne-ri/) and obligatory (Brit
/-tə-ri/
or -tri/,
US /-tö -ri/). |
In addition to the above, many differences between American and British English pronunciation are noted in the entries for particular words and prefixes in the dictionary. See for example anti-, schedule, simultaneous and tomato.
Many differences between British and American usage with regard to
vocabulary and meaning are noted in the dictionary, eg bonnet/hood,
coffin/casket,
curtains/drapes, estate agent/realtor, motorway/expressway,
pavement/sidewalk, sweets/candy and windscreen/windshield.
In spelling, Canadian usage stands midway between American English and British English. The usage is, however, far from uniform and varies from province to province and even from person to person. Hence spellings such as color, traveler and center, and colour, traveller and centre, are to be found alongside each other.
In pronunciation, Canadian English exhibits features found in both
American and British English, although it more commonly follows
American English: eg speakers of Canadian English pronounce tomato with
an /ā/.
| British |
Canadian |
| r |
Like
American English,
Canadian English pronounces r
in word-final position and before a
consonant. |
| t |
In the
pronunciation
of many Canadians, words such as matter
and madder rhyme,
as in American English. |
| i |
The sound
heard in squirrel, etc
approaches /û/. |
| -īl |
Of the
words which end
in /-īl/ in British
English, most, eg docile, textile,
fragile, end in /-īl/ as
in British English, but some such as missile and fertile may end in /-il / as in American English. |
| ī, ow |
In
Canadian English,
the vowels in eg loud and ride do not rhyme with those of lout and write. |
Although there are differences between the English of Australia and that of New Zealand, the two varieties are sufficiently similar to be treated together. Vocabulary that is peculiar to this region includes: names of local flora and fauna (bowerbird, galah, wallaby); words to do with local topography and everyday life, some imported in extended use into British English (black stump, bush, outback, walkabout); general words that do not exist in British English in the same meaning (bullock = 'to work very hard', king-hit = 'knockout blow'); and many colourful colloquialisms and idioms (beaut, bludge, crook, dinkum, she's apples).
The spelling of Australian and New Zealand English traditionally follows that of British English but American spelling is now sometimes also found. Features of pronunciation that can be noted are:
| British |
Australian,
New Zealand |
| r |
As in
British English, r is not
pronounced
before a consonant or at the end of a word, except
by speakers in the southern part of the South Island of New Zealand. |
| i |
Australian
and New
Zealand English have /ē/ in words such as happy and very, where British English has
/i/. In closed unstressed syllables, where British English has /i/, Australian and New Zealand English have /ə/, as for example in mistake, defeat, ticket, etc. |
| oor |
The
pronunciation /ŭə/
of words like sure, pure, etc
has been almost entirely superseded by either /ö/ or /ooə/. |
| ä |
In many
words in which
British English has /ä/,
Australian and New Zealand English have /a/. In words ending in -ance, New Zealand English has /ä/ where Australian English has /a/ or /ä/. In Australian English lather is pronounced with /a/, but in New Zealand with /ä/. |
| ō |
Before l,
this is
usually pronounced as /o/. |
In the 19th century, varieties of English were developed by the Dutch (influenced by Afrikaans), by the black population (influenced by local African languages) and by Indian immigrants who arrived in the country in the second half of the century. English has been an official language of South Africa since 1910; Afrikaans replaced Dutch as an official language in 1925. During the apartheid era, Afrikaans was spoken by the white population and was regarded as the language of authority and government, whereas English, although a minority language, was spoken by many blacks, both as a language of political protest and as a means of attaining an international voice. At the end of the apartheid era, many African languages were also accepted as official languages.
The English of South Africa is
therefore not a homogeneous variety, and the influences on it have been
diverse. Many of the loan words from Afrikaans and African languages
relate to local flora and fauna and other aspects of everyday life
(some imported into British English): aardvark (an animal), baas
(master), backveld (remote
country), dikkop (a type of
bird), donga (Zulu; gully), fundi (Nguni; an expert), induna (Zulu; a
tribal leader), jukskei (an outdoor game), koppie (a low hill), mossie
(a type of bird), poort (a mountain pass), sjambok (a whip), snoek (a
fish) and springbok (an animal). A number of
terms have permeated world consciousness for historical reasons,
notably apartheid, commando, trek
and veld. Words of English
derivation include pig-lily
(a kind of local lily) and square-face
(gin), and words of mixed origin include kingklip (a fish). In other
cases,
words known in British English have special meanings in South African
English, eg bioscope (a
cinema), camp (a fenced-off
area of pasture), canteen (a
public house), lay-by (a down
payment), robot (a traffic
signal), stamp (pounded
maize) and township (a black
urban settlement).
Apart from relatively few and minor peculiarities of
vocabulary, the standard English of South Africa is very similar to
that of British English. South African pronunciation of English is
characterized by a clipped accent with tight vowel sounds and more
strongly articulated consonants /p/, /t/ and /k/. Other features are as
follows:
| British |
South
Africa |
| r |
The S
African English
treatment of r word-finally
and before consonants is the same as that
of British English. |
| i |
S African
English has
/ē/ where British English has /i/ in very,
secretary, etc. In other positions, / i/ is pronounced more centrally than in British English, with a vowel close to /ə/. |
| a, e, ä,
etc |
There is a
tendency to
raise these vowels to values approaching /e/, / i/, /o/ or /ö/,
etc so giving /de'dē/ for daddy, /kit'l/ for kettle, and so on. |
| ār |
This is normally pronounced as a long /e/ or /ā/sound in words like bear, fair, etc. |
The use of English in the Indian Subcontinent dates from the first British contacts with the region in the 17th century; between then and independence in 1947 English developed into the language of government and education. Today, Hindi is the official language of India, and English has 'associate' status, although it has no such status beside Urdu in Pakistan and Bengali in Bangladesh.
English in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh is
normally learned as a second language, and is often greatly influenced
by the speaker's first language. Thus no homogeneous Indian English can
be described here but only a number of features about which one may
make some general remarks.
Two common features of Indian English are
the use of retroflex ṭ, ḍ , etc for British
English t, d, etc, and
the substitution of p, t, d for f, th, dh. Speakers whose native
language is Hindi or Urdu tend to insert an i before the initial
consonant clusters in words such as speech and school,
because
these consonant groups do not occur in initial position in Hindi or
Urdu.
Indian English pronounces word-final and preconsonantal r.
Vowels
in unstressed syllables are often pronounced in the way they would be
in stressed syllables, where British English has /ə/
or /i/.
British contact with the peoples and languages of the Indian
Subcontinent has resulted in a number of English loan words, including
the familiar bungalow (from
Hindi), guru (from Hindi), jodhpurs (from a place-name) and pyjamas
(from Hindustani). Some
English words and expressions are used in special ways: demit means 'to
resign' (as in
Scottish English) and prepone,
meaning 'to bring forward to an earlier date', has a wider currency
than it does in British English.
The use of English in SE Asia dates from the end of the 18th century and beginning of the 19th, when the British East India Company established settlements at Penang and Singapore in the country then called Malaya; these two places, together with Malacca, had been formed into the Straits Settlements by 1867. In 1898, Britain bought from China a 99-year lease on the New Territories of Hong Kong, and other territories in the region became British protectorates.
Malaysia became independent in 1957, and the Federation of Malaysia was formed in1963. Singapore achieved self-government in 1959 and (after a brief period of incorporation in the Federation) full independence in 1965. The principal languages of the area (in addition to English) are Chinese, Tamil and Malay, reflecting the ethnic mix of the populations. Hong Kong was returned to China on expiry of the lease in 1997.
The situation today is that British English is the dominant influence
in Singapore, Malaysia and Hong Kong, while American English is more
influential in the Philippines and other areas of the South Pacific, as
a legacy of the American acquisition of these territories after the
Spanish-American War of 1898. In Singapore, English continued as the
language of government, but education was based on a bilingual system
of English and one of the three ethnic languages. In Malaysia, Malay
(or, more accurately, Bahasa Malaysia) has been the official language
since 1957, although more recently English has been actively promoted
as a second language.
In the light of these historical facts, it is more realistic to speak
of Singaporean English than of Malaysian English, although this is
likely to change with time. Some linguists, however, prefer to regard
the forms of English used in Singapore and in Malaysia as subvarieties
of a larger distinct variety, which they call Singaporean and Malaysian
English (SME). In Singapore, since three-quarters of the population are
ethnically Chinese, Mandarin and other Chinese languages are likely to
exert a strong influence on the development of Singaporean English.
The vocabulary of English in SE Asia includes a few items that are also
familiar in British English, such as lychee and yin and yang. Then
there
are words of
English origin that are used mainly by Singaporean and Malaysian
speakers as a part of their culture or lifestyle, such as airflown
(denoting freshly
imported food) and red packet
(a red envelope containing money, given on ceremonial occasions), and
more informal uses (sometimes disparagingly called Singlish) such as to
cut ('to overtake') and to zap ('to photocopy'). Other
words, such as sarabat (a
strong-tasting drink made of ginger and sugar) and silat (the Malay
equivalent of
kung fu) are not English in origin, and represent concepts for which no
other word exists. Finally and (in the context of SE Asian usage) more
controversially, there are slang words of non-English origin, such as
chim ('profound'), malu ('shameful') and others that
are less easy to translate, such as kiasu (roughly, 'afraid to lose
out').
Differences in pronunciation of English in SE Asia are largely affected
by the influence of the other principal languages of the area, Chinese,
Tamil and Malay. The principal features are (1) some consonants
(notably /p/, /t/ and /k/) are not aspirated, (2) the last consonant of
two at the end of a word (eg lamp,
first) will often be silent, (3) there are considerable
differences in vowel quality in words such as bid, cot, stuff and pull
(in which the vowel tends to
be longer) and in the articulation of diphthongs, as in bait, boat and
bare (which tend to be shorter and
closer to the first sound of the diphthong).
This resource contains information on the authors who
are cited within the main dictionary entries. Selected works are listed
with date of first publication in brackets.
1. Clear distinction of senses
2. Synonyms grouped by register
3. Countrywide and worldwide English
Senses within an entry are distinguished by numbered sections and by either a key synonym in SMALL CAPITALS or an example in blue
Synonyms are listed by range of context ('register') to show the appropriate styles within which words are used.
TECHNICAL
indicates a word that is restricted to a certain subject area such as music, philosophy, medicine or law, eg codicil (a supplement to a will) at supplement
OLD
indicates a word that is no longer in common use, be it obsolete, archaic or literary, eg spoffish at fussy
SHAKESPEARE and SPENSER are extra labels used to annotate words featured in the works of Shakespeare and Spenser.
FORMAL
indicates a formal word, eg discourse and colloquium at discussion
COLLOQUIAL
indicates an informal word, eg powwow at discussion
SLANG
indicates a word used only very informally, eg dough and dosh at money
derogatory, offensive, vulgar and taboo are extra labels used to annotate words considered particularly vulgar or which may give offence.
Terms from varieties of English from around Britain and around the world are included (eg North American ornery at stubborn), and labelled as
dialect (usually
indicates
Northern English dialects)
Scottish
Welsh
Irish
North American (used mainly in the United States and, sometimes, Canada)
Canadian (used mainly in Canada, rather than the United States)
Australian
New Zealand
South African
Where a headword
has an
adjective related to it, a note is included. For example, the entry meaning gives the related adjective
semantic.
Where a headword
is
sometimes confused with another word, eg censor or censure, fatal or fateful, concise explanatory notes
are included to distinguish them.
The explanations are backed up by
example phrases and sentences.
Around 500
special
panels show word families ('hyponyms'), and give lists of related words
presenting:
different types of, eg film,
food and sport
parts of, eg the brain, a flower and a motor vehicle
the terminology used in particular subject areas, eg cookery, football and medicine
informative encyclopedic information, eg longest rivers, highest mountains and active volcanoes
Synonym nuance panels distinguish shades of meaning among synonyms in over 300 entries, identifying and exemplifying words that :
have particular associations or convey certain
suggestions:
have a particular tone or convey an attitude on
the
part of the speaker:
usually have a specific referent or context :
2. Entry organization and editorial policy
For users subscribed to www.harrapsonline.com you can choose an English or French interface by using the buttons at the top right of the screen.
This dictionary offers fuller international coverage of French and English languages than will be found in any other general bilingual available.
Much of this international coverage was supplied by consultants with specialist knowledge of the different varieties of each language. Consultants' input was also invaluable in the creation of the specialist language databases in such areas as IT, finance and slang which were exploited in the writing of this book. An experienced reading panel of university lecturers brought fresh insights to the text and made many valuable suggestions.
In producing a dictionary of the size of the Unabridged, the editors have sought to include as many terms and phrases as possible. It would, however, be wrong to assert that the Unabridged gives comprehensive coverage of the English and French languages, as such an achievement would be beyond a dictionary even twice as large. What can be reasonably claimed, however, is that the Unabridged gives a full and wide-ranging view of the two languages as they are spoken and written at the beginning of the 21st century.
The grammatical classification of an entry is marked with a label in red capitals.

The different senses of a word are each introduced by a number in bold type.

Nuances of senses, or semantic splits required to show different translations for the same sense, are shown within the same sense category by using indicating material in brackets. This material may consist of a synonym or typical collocating words, eg the objects of a transitive verb, or the nouns with which an adjective is commonly used. In some cases, both are given, with an arrow preceding the collocating words.

In some more complex entries with many senses, the senses are subdivided first into larger sense groups, each of which is then further divided. In these cases, a bold upper-case letter indicates the major sense division and indicating material in capitals describes it.

In this dictionary English compounds of two
or
more words have been presented under the entry for the first word of
the compound. They appear in alphabetical order in a block at the end
of the entry. The block is clearly labeled ![]()

The rule of entering a compound under its first element means, for example, that sedge warbler, melodious warbler and garden warbler will be found under sedge, melodious and garden respectively, and not at the entry warbler. Hyphenated words in both English and French, however, appear as entries in their own right, in the relevant alphabetical order.
Plurals
When a French noun has an irregular plural, this is shown immediately after the headword, sometimes in brackets:


Note that the plural of hyphenated French nouns is always given, unless the noun does not change its form in the plural, in which case it is marked invariable:

Similarly, English irregular plurals are also given after the headword, placed in brackets:



English verb forms
Irregular forms of English verbs are given after the headword for that verb:

French verb conjugations
An icon marked
is
shown after each French verb. Clicking on this will open up the full
conjugation of the verb.

The register of all words and phrases in the source language is clearly indicated in this dictionary. Register labels are used to indicate the level of language - whether formal (Formal/Soutenu), informal (Familiar/Familier), very informal (very Familiar/très Familier), or vulgar (Vulgar/Vulgaire) - and also to indicate usage, showing whether a word is, for example, pejorative, ironic or euphemistic.
As far as possible, the translations given match the register of the word in the source language and no register markers are therefore applied to translations, as the user can assume that the translation is a close register match of the source language item. For example:

In cases where it has proved impossible to find an exact equivalent in terms of register for a word that is informal, or where it is considered desirable to include a neutral alternative translation, the neutral register of the translation is indicated by a superscript lozenge that comes immediately after the translation. For example:


Those French terms which are examples of verlan (the process of inverting syllables to create a slang word) have been labelled as such, with the original form indicated in brackets:

Similarly, those British slang words which are examples of rhyming slang have been labelled, with both the full form of the original phrase and the word with which it rhymes indicated. Note that where, as in the example below, the term is not widely used in Britain but restricted to southern England, and particularly the London area, it is labelled Southern English.

Many terms from the Canadian French dialect Joual have been included in this dictionary. They have all been labelled Joual but do not have any additional labelling as to the level of language. This labelling should be understood, however, to imply that the term is non-standard and of a colloquial level of language.
Register labels can occur in various combinations. A word can be either archaic or literary, old-fashioned or humorous, for example. In such cases the presentation is as follows:



A word which is simultaneously informal and old-fashioned, or informal and euphemistic, will be presented as follows with the labels in sequence:


In the cases of certain words belonging to a particular variety of slang such as drugs or crime slang, the register label Familiar or very Familiar etc is accompanied by labels indicating the variety to which the term in question belongs. For example:


In instances where a term is given two translations, one technical and the other non-technical, the technical translation is placed second and preceded by the label Specialist Term or Vocabulaire de spécialité on the English-French and French-English sides respectively. The technical translation has been given in addition to the neutral one where the word being translated can be used in both technical and non-technical contexts.

Some French words in this dictionary are marked with the label Officially Recommended. This indicates that the word in question is an officially recommended form, used less commonly than an alternative term which is often derived from English:

The Unabridged features a vast number of specialized items of vocabulary relating to areas as diverse as computing, finance, law, science and medicine. Many technical terms have been retained from the Harrap Standard, which was used as a source for this dictionary, while a great many new terms have been added, particularly terminology created by the growth of the Internet or connected with fast-evolving areas like the stock market or genetic engineering.
Field labels are used primarily to indicate specialist vocabulary, or to differentiate the various meanings of the headword. In cases where a word has several meanings in different domains, all with the same translation, field labels are combined in sequence to show that the translation works for all the senses indicated. For example:


This dictionary differs from its competitors in giving very full coverage of the international varieties of both English and French. In the English-French volume of the dictionary, thorough treatment of English as it is used in Britain and in America is complemented by extensive coverage of Australian, Irish and Scottish English. Thus, terms which the user might search for in vain in other bilingual dictionaries – such as beyond the Black Stump, gurrier and muckle (Australian, Irish and Scottish, respectively) to cite but three – will be found within the Harrap Unabridged.
Similarly, in the French-English volume, Canadian French is well represented, as are Belgian French and Swiss French.
This reflects the dictionary's policy of ensuring coverage of the French language as it is used outside France. While this coverage cannot claim to be exhaustive, the editors of the dictionary hope that they have succeeded in their aim of including a substantial quantity of words and expressions from each of these French-speaking countries. As mentioned above, Canadian French joual terms have been included, as have terms particular to Acadian, the dialect spoken in the Maritime Provinces (Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island). These latter terms have been labelled (en acadien).

Likewise, when a term is specific to a certain French-speaking canton of Switzerland, it is labelled accordingly.
In all these cases, work done by a team of consultants from the countries concerned, combined with material drawn from monolingual sources, has formed the basis for a final selection of words and expressions associated with each country. Regional varieties of both languages are also covered, with terms from, for example, Southern France or Northern England featuring among the entries and expressions treated.
As far as target language is concerned, in the French-English volume of the dictionary, British and American variant translations are shown systematically, marked as British English and American English respectively:

On English-French, Belgian, Canadian and Swiss variant translations are also shown where appropriate:
![]()

There a number of special symbols used in the dictionary which are described below:
The symbol ∼ is used to designate the nearest cultural equivalent translation where no direct match exists
An equals sign = is used to designate a gloss or approximation

A superscript lozenge is used to indicate a mismatch in register, where a neutral register has been used

An asterisk, *, before an "h" in a French word means it is "aspirate", ie you cannot make a contraction or liaison in front of it like most words beginning with an "h", eg la hache

The icon
is a link to the French verb
conjugation. Click
on the symbol to see the full listing for the French verb.
If you hover your mouse over these symbols you will see their meaning displayed in a tooltip.
The speaker icon
indicates
the word has associated audio, click on the symbol to play the audio
file.
In general we have avoided common dictionary abbreviating style. There are still a few abbreviations used in the dictionary and these are described below:
sb = somebody
sth = something
qch = quelque chose
qn = quelqu'un
Pronunciation information has been given for all words using the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). For an explanation of the symbols used in The Unabridged see the English chart and the French chart. In contrast to most bilingual dictionaries, a phonetic transcription has been given for all abbreviations, unless they are only used in written language. Thus it will be clear whether the abbreviation is an acronym or its letters are pronounced individually.
Access the verb conjugator by clicking on ![]()
Select your language from the dropdown menu
and
click
or press return.
Alternatively you can browse through the list of verbs.
These are available from the right side of
the
screen![]()
The language resources' menus update depending on which resource you have selected on the left-hand Choose box as the dictionary and language resources are associated.
Select the group you are interested from the dropdown menu and you will see a list of the contents displayed. Click on any of these to display the entry in the middle panel.
An explanation of commonly used grammatical terms.
A selection of language usage notes which also appear in the main entry.
The Harrap Unabridged contains over five hundred notes on cultural topics, where extra information that could not be conveyed in a conventional translation or gloss format is highlighted in a boxed entry integrated into the main text. Many of these notes concern "culture-specific" items, that is to say topics whose relevance or implications may not be immediately obvious to non-native speakers; other more encyclopedic-style notes provide the user with information on terms relating to the politics or history of the country. Examples in the English-French volume are the notes at devolution, countryside debate and gun control. In the French-English volume bizutage, charentaises and cohabitation are similarly explained for the non-native user. In line with the dictionary policy of comprehensive international coverage, the boxes include information on items of Canadian, Irish and Scottish relevance as well as French Canadian, Belgian and Swiss items.
The dictionary contains around a thousand titles of works of art with their equivalents in the target language. Famous paintings as well as films, works of literature and music are covered. These are to be found at the end of the entry for the first important word in the title (for example Dickens' Hard Times is at the end of the entry hard, and Proust's À l'ombre des jeunes filles en fleur at ombre) and are preceded by text designating the genre to which the work of art belongs. While many of these items have perfectly straightforward translations, it will be found that others are translated in quite unexpected ways.
The titles included are a selection of those judged to be either culturally significant or which generate interesting translations.
A major innovative feature of this dictionary is the inclusion of notes on allusions, explaining to non-native speakers how certain phrases are used allusively in the other language. The allusions are often literary but many also derive from areas such as advertisements and popular culture. These notes are designed to enable the user to decode areas of language which might otherwise remain opaque. In each case, the origin of the phrase is explained in addition to its contemporary usage. Examples on English-French are come up and see me some time, dark Satanic mills and magical mystery tour, and on French-English le mot de Cambronne, le degré zéro and faire avancer le schmilblick.
More than 250 allusions have been selected for the dictionary. Our selection has been guided by the degree to which the phrase is used in the language and its origin is recognized by native speakers.
A feature new to this edition of the Harrap Unabridged and unique to Harrap bilingual dictionaries is the inclusion of boxed notes integrated into the main text covering common prefixes and suffixes, designed to provide the user with an insight into word building and the generation of new words. More than 100 prefixes and suffixes have been selected for this feature and the notes cover the most common senses of the prefix or suffix and how it can be used to create new words.

